Just as the Azadi March of Maulana Fazl-ur-Rahman was
beginning to distract Pakistanis from the events of August 5, the Government of
India quietly released maps of the newly constituted union territories of Ladakh,
and Jammu and Kashmir. In these maps the illegally occupied northern areas of
Gilgit and Baltistan were shown in Ladakh. While the reorganisation of maps has
changed nothing on ground, it essentially fits a pattern emerging from the
Indian side.
On August 6, Home
Minister Amit Shah asserted India’s right to make laws for the entire
territory of Jammu and Kashmir, including Pak-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Aksai
Chin. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh pointed out that any future parleys with
Pakistan would have to be about PoK. External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam
Jaishankar insisted that PoK “is part of India
and we expect one day that we will have the physical jurisdiction over it”. In
essence, it was being insinuated that India was no longer content with the
territorial status quo in South Asia.
It is generally believed that the
peace and stability in the international system rest upon the pivot of status
quo, especially the territorial status quo. Seeking territorial re-organisation
amounts to revisionism, which is anathema to international peace. This is why
revisionist powers, we are told, have few friends! So does India, in seeking to
regain control over PoK, become a revisionist power?
For one, apprehension of revisionism betrays
the Anglo-American ethnocentric bias pervasive in the field of International
Relations. E. H. Carr, a prominent historian and English diplomat says that
status quo undermines the moral dimension and only those states support status
quo that benefit from it. As such, the moral desirability of status quo is
ambiguous at best and all countries are revisionist in their own ways. Revisionism
is essentially a sign of dissatisfaction with the features of the international
system.
Secondly, the characterization of the Indian
claims to PoK and Aksai Chin as “revisionism” is tenuous at best. Both
territories have been on Indian official maps since 1948. The restriction on
the parliamentary power to legislate for Jammu and Kashmir came from article
370 and it was self-imposed. It was by no means a surrender of Indian
sovereignty over illegally occupied territories. Moreover, if India was open to converting
the line of control (LoC) into the international border in the past (Swaran
Singh-Bhutto talks in 1963, Simla Agreement in 1972), it is not to be construed
as acquiescence to the territorial status quo. Such offers were made in discretionary
exercise of India’s sovereign powers to cede territory for regional
peace and stability. And if India is no longer willing to make that concession
then it must be put in a proper context instead of surrendering to the Occam’s
razor.
While Indians never believed in the two-nation
theory, they have come to accept and even respect Pakistan’s existence. So when
Kashmir was called the “unfinished business of partition” it was contentious but
not incomprehensible. In the 70 years since, India has survived a Pak-sponsored
separatist movement in Punjab, the exodus of Kashmiri pandits, and countless
terrorist attacks, including those that targeted citizens of Israel and America.
The Daesh flags in Kashmir protests were probably the final knell in the coffin
for the Kashmir-is-an-unfinished-business-of-partition theory. Ghazwa-e-Hind
(conquest of India), once considered the agenda of a few extremists, has made
its way into the mainstream discourse through unsubtle monikers like “Endia”,
used liberally even by Pakistani ministers.
While nobody wants to take the
Pakistani rhetoric seriously, the stark reality of extreme radicalization can
no longer be discounted as just rhetoric. The solution-to-Afghanistan-lies-in-Kashmir
innuendos can no longer be overlooked. With the US renegotiation of NAFTA and
Russian occupation of Crimea, revisionism seems to be the preferred strategy of
almost all superpowers today. 70 years of unilateral and disproportionate
revisions by Pakistan have rendered the word meaningless anyway. So in a world that seems to be mainstreaming
revisionism, India can survive the ignominy of being labelled a revisionist. After
all, a little revisionism never hurt anyone.
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